4, exp. 1992 The Nahuas After the Conquest: A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth through Eighteenth Centuries. Somewhere along the line, this third lineage must have intermarried with the town founder’s descendants, for one of its members would claim in his testament of 1715 to be the great-great-grandson of the town founder. 22, American Anthropological Association, Arlington, Va. GUAMAN POMA DE AYALA, FELIPE 1980 El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno [1615] ( John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno, eds. Actas y memorias del XXXIV Congreso Internacional de Americanistas 3: 147–166. Rohan Hours, fol. “He works. This was not only a method of delimiting the corvée labor Andean people had to perform for their Spanish masters but also a way of ensuring that priests said Mass and the customary prayers at the proper time. Soon he returned with dry turf blocks, dun-colored and almost weightless.The leaders set the dry champas on the ground and fashioned the boat from one of them with only sharp rocks and no metal tools.The same man who had gathered the dry champa brought the stone tools. 13: chaps. Probably copying from the latter document, Zorita stated that the three capitals were equal in power, that they were served by all the other rulers they conquered, and that they divided the material gains from these conquests among themselves.The only exception to their equality was that Tenochtitlan was supreme in matters of warfare. In all of these cases, the pertinent variables included technological and military superiority on the part of the colonizers, heavy immigration, and an uncompromising religious approach (Christianssen 1980: 100–104; Johnson 1975: 545–585). Don Carlos proclaimed himself tlatoani of Texcoco following the death of the incumbent, his putative brother (Gibson 1964: 170). Mannheim traces the process of Quechua “national” formation as it is reflected in the Quechua texts, explaining how specific rhetorical strategies drew successfully on both Spanish and Quechua cultural forms. 2: chap. These are the two poles between which other texts that are not so clear-cut operated. The mascaipacha, which, as mentioned, appears in a number of colonial Andean coats of arms, is thus reattached, not to the head of an imagined Inka king, but to an Andean-style object. the nondualistic cosmology of the native was taken as proof of his inability to transcend base confinement in the flesh.” 370 Christian Pageantry and Native Identity in Early Colonial Mexico In 1558 Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco the Elder, writing to Philip II, defended the Franciscans against the criticisms of the secular clergy by stating that the friars’ only extravagance lay in the quality of their church buildings and the ornaments and music employed there, which “attract the Indians to come to the temples and to devotion”; meanwhile the friars dressed humbly and ate little, giving all their surplus to the poor (Cuevas 1975: 245). In fact, the centrality of text as the locus for the analysis of continuity, change, and contestation of tradition and power in the postconquest world is one of the common issues that arises from the various papers in this volume.7 But text here does not refer to the rarified traditions of European literature in which the New World is configured according to an imagination that allows no voice other than the European. Lima. . It prompted a large assortment of individuals, private companies, and non-profit institutions to develop projects celebrating, commemorating, or condemning the 500th anniversary of Columbus’ landing in the Americas, and it surely generated as much folly as it did thoughtful analysis and discussion. PROCESOS 1912 Procesos de indios idólatras y hechiceros. Chipchiykachaq qatachillay P’unchaw pusaq qiyantupa Qam waqyaqpaq, mana upa Qizaykikta “hamuy” ñillay Phiñasqayta qispichillay Susurwana. The difference is that one sees here an ideographic representation of the Andean parts of his name in distinction to the ideographic representations of territory in the Spanish Royal coat of arms.20 Guaman Poma’s coat of arms, although it is “fabricated”—false within the European sense of authenticity in that the design of a coat of arms must be given, granted, by the crown in a royal cédula—presupposes here that the gift would be granted were the king to know of Guaman Poma’s noble heritage and service. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. HORCASITAS, FERNANDO (ED.) Given the different nature of the two economies, the long-lasting tribute goods obligation is perhaps the true parallel to the Stage 2 repartimiento among the Nahuas. Moreover, such an ideal is forever rooted in the real for those who at the same time live with the very real consequences of the historical contradictions of conquest and colonialism. GLASS, JOHN B., IN COLLABORATION WITH DONALD ROBERTSON 1975 A Census of Native Middle American Pictorial Manuscripts. Simon and Schuster, New York. Facultad Pontificia y Civil de Teologia de Lima, Lima. See Cristóbal de Mena Coricancha, Golden Enclosure of Cuzco, 104, 316 corregidor. Furthermore, the values and qualities associated with the three categories in the construction of state power were assigned to the Mexica of Tenochtitlan, the Acolhuaque of Texcoco, and the Tepaneca of Tlacopan in both their historical traditions as well as the related religious ceremonies.5 The ultimate conclusion is that the disruption of the conquest required a response, a re-argumentation with remodeled (not “invented”) history as people jockeyed for positions of status in the construction of a new society. 462 Index Acamapichtli, 437 Acapulco, 214 aclla, acllas (chosen women of the Sun), 71, 73, 82, 315 Acolhua Teuctli, lord of the Acolhuaque, 253 Acolhuacan province, 253. On the top of Tepeyac, near Tenochtitlan, the ancient capital of the Mexicas, now Mexico City, there was a Pre-Hispanic sanctuary of a much-venerated goddess called Cihuacoatl-Tonantzin. 9 Inka month of November. True, the colonists acquired some Eastern habits in food and housing; their 22 The Many Faces of Medieval Colonization military architecture profited a great deal from the expertise of native masons; and in ideological terms, they became, as a group, more tolerant of different cultures than were their counterparts in western Europe. MEDINA, JOSÉ TORIBIO 1959 Historia del Tribunal de la Inquisición de Lima, 1569 –1820. SZEMINSKI, JAN 1983 Las generaciones del mundo segun don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala. Among its subject towns, according to this document, only five divided their tribute among Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan (Orozco y Berra 1943: 509). They likewise took guinea pigs, ticti, and all the other sacrificial offerings. ): 189–219. Between what the Nahuas were and what they could be or could have been lay an impassable rhetorical gulf. Divulgación Histórica 4 (10): 507–510. Revista Peruana de Cultura 3: 134–40. The degree of involution and the specific figures vary considerably from community to community, but the general pattern is stable across a vast area including southeastern Peru and Bolivia. 193 Elizabeth Hill Boone BIBLIOGRAPHY ACOSTA, JOSÉ DE 1979 Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Edmundo O’Gorman, ed.). Karttunen focuses on the written text and suggests that the histories/annals, apparently a retained preconquest genre, were to convey events so that history would not be lost. Other witnesses, from the mining center at Potosí, stressed his homosexuality and his careless approach to His Majesty’s interests at the mines. Fig. The Iroquois handled European introductions through descriptions using native vocabulary, whereas the others borrowed many English words (often phonologically and morphologically assimilated). (That is, a lot of water will leak out to the Yampilla side, in Huarochirí parish, through the seepage Collquiri opened when he played the “Goesunder.”) But in 1990 a barely perceptible breeze floated the boat auspiciously across the center of Yanascocha’s ruffled green water. Indeed research has not fully sounded these deposits. Whereas with Yucatan I imagine I can see enough to satisfy myself that the region long remained in a perhaps ill-defined but recognizable Stage 2, generally as well as in language, only certain aspects of the Andean picture over the postconquest centuries are reminiscent of Stage 2; other aspects point to an even earlier phase, while some elements of the sequence seen in Mesoamerica are missing because of pronounced differences in Mesoamerican and Andean culture. For an example, see LaMonte (1940–41). Historia 16. 332 The Inka and Christian Calendars in Early Colonial Peru EUROPEAN TIME AND THE FURY OF GOD The routines of Christian prayer and instruction and of labor organized by and for Spanish masters were regulated in step with a seven-day week with Sunday as a day of rest, and in step with a day the hours of which were counted by the clock.47 Sundials and clocks measuring hours were a European import into the Andes, and in Guaman Poma’s time, they were beginning to change the Andean experience and perception of time. ZORN, ELAYNE 1987 Encircling Meaning: Economics and Aesthetics in Taquile, Peru. Atlas, Madrid. . In Europe, for example, the Quincentennial commission in Madrid developed an Aztec exhibition, while the Berlin Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz and the Brussels Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire mounted separate exhibitions focused on Pre-Columbian America. Given this lengthy history of community concentration, territorial surveys, and grants of property, it is no wonder that títulos evolved with a concentrated emphasis on corporate land claims. 214 Stephanie Wood Fig. See Alvarado Tezozomoc, Hernando Crónica Mexicayotl, 249 “Crónica X” tradition, 249 Crusades, 14–17 crusaders’ links, 27 crusading movement, 25 fanaticism for Jerusalem, 22 First Crusade, 22 Second Crusade, 21 traditions of, 16 as way of unifying the world, 25 Cruz, Juan de la, leader of Maya religious cult, 432 Cruzob. . José Guadalupe Rojas, who published a periodical El Xocoyotzin (“The Youngest Child”) to promote education and Nahuatl literacy in late-nineteenth-century Tepoztlan, was later described as “a man never well understood” (quoted in Redfield [1930: 206] from yet another short-lived newspaper, El Tepozteco). 115 Tom Cummins such as “usso antiguo,” “como es costumbre tener los caciques señores,” and “uso del Cuzco” could be used in the context of Andean wills throughout the viceroyalty to modify these personal objects without necessarily causing alarm.47 Inka cloth and vessels constituted a recognizable and viable pan-Andean form of material culture that was associated with a past before the arrival of the Spaniards. 12 Textiles are acknowledged by anthropologists (Zuidema 1991), art historians (Paul 1992: 289), ethnologists (Zorn 1987: 67), archaeologists and ethnohistorians (Murra 1962) as one of the principal media of Andean artistic production and symbolic expression; however, the fact that textiles had equally high symbolic and economic values in European culture is not part of this acknowledgment.Therefore the descriptions of Andean textiles in colonial documents and the continuation of an Andean textile tradition into the present is interpreted as a result of the primacy of textiles within Andean culture, and little regard is paid to the implications of the privileging or foregrounding of Inka and colonial Andean textiles in Spanish colonial writings and economy. 1985 Nahuatl and Maya in Contact with Spanish. With an aim of setting colonial tribute at or below the Pre-Hispanic levels (Simpson 1982: 97, 131, 149), the crown recognized the accuracy of indigenous tribute documents.Thus, a royal cédula of 1530 specifically ordered Spanish authorities in Mexico to send native tribute paintings along with their report, and a later request prompted Cortés himself to send such a painting to the Council of the Indies in 1538 (Baudot 1983: 63–64). In Cultura andina y represión: Procesos y visitas de idolatrías y hechicerías, Cajatambo, siglo XVII (Pierre Duviols, ed. ed. The clerics fled, fearing for their lives; the Spanish official leapt into a canal, and two Spaniards were divested of their swords. ginning with Ocelotzin who is seated in the elaborate building in the upper corner, named glyphicly with a jaguar head and in Nahuatl by the gloss. BENJAMIN, WALTER 1969 Theses on the Philosophy of History. Where Gibson was broadly concerned with indigenous institutions, seen largely through Spanish sources, most of the authors in this volume reach into the native documents and sources as much as is now possible to find patterns and explanations of indigenous mentalities, or what Frank Salomon (1984: 91), speaking about the Andes, has called the “emerging history of native ideas.” This current focus follows almost two decades of publication and analysis of local-level indigenous documents—such as wills, land sales, municipal records, 1 Published in Spanish in 1947 and in English in 1966. Cortés charged that Audiencia members had demanded and received goods and services from Huejotzingo that rightfully belonged to him. This alphabet was not unlike other mnemonic alphabets also created in Europe, except that it included native Mexican imagery and was intended for use by the indigenous inhabitants (Palomera 1988: 72, 271–278; Glass 1975: 283). Latin American Antiquity 1 (1): 42–65. The eighteenth-century Franciscan historian Vetancurt briefly recounts the event, describing the perpetrators as students and stating that to prevent such disturbances in the future the archbishop threatened to excommunicate any students or clerics who went to see the procession (Vetancurt 1971: pt. As Rostworowski points out, this system of hierarchy even patterns the relation and form of Christian images within the Christian cult itself. That the Nahuas did not share their dualistic conceptions of matter and spirit, of form and substance, of body and soul, of exterior appearance and interior essence, the friars took as evidence not of a different, non-dualist way of seeing but of a lack, an indifference toward the second element in each of those paired opposites. Paper presented at the international colloquium, “Nuevas perspectivas antropológicas, demográficas y ecológicas de la conquista de America (1492– 1992),” Barcelona, 1990. For example, the standard ceramic Inka shallow dish with a geometric band dividing the circumference (Fig. 4, exp. For Quechua speakers, phallcha flowers evoke fecundity, and indeed the epithet “Reddened beautiful phallcha flower” was used for the Virgin Mary in the first text. From a viewpoint of Spanish law, Sunicancha’s questions exploited the rule that part of the validity of a title lay in use of it. This faith in the authenticity of pictorial records and in their documentary power continued throughout the sixteenth century. STEVENSON, ROBERT 1968 Music in Aztec and Inca Territory. 1985 Symbolism in Tarabuco, Bolivia, Textiles. 3 The notion of authenticity as well as originality is something that has hounded the study of colonial art in all of its manifestations in a more dogged manner than that of its European counterpart. Furthermore, their creation (and hence that of the tribute-collecting Triple Alliance to which they may allude) can be attributed to this emergent mid-sixteenth-century phenomenon of maneuvering for advantage by claiming Pre-Hispanic sujetos. Missale Romanum (1560). Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl 19: 245–268. It also provides three separate lists of towns and provinces that were tributary to the señores of Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan, with their tribute divided among these three cities. . 13. These memories of Inka administration are overlaid by Guaman Poma’s own experience of their Spanish equivalents in that he described all these local interventions by representatives of the Inka ruler with the term visita, which was also used to refer to Spanish official inspections.13 Guaman Poma’s own experience also speaks through the attention he gives to the weather and its impact on agricultural tasks and on the state of people’s health. Traditio 9: 213–279. Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos “Bartolomé de las Casas,” Cuzco. Hence he suggested that each Andean settlement, however small, should have its own “chapel, oratory and clock.” Next to the “clock,” in effect a sundial, as he envisioned it, was a bell, which announced to all and sundry the order and duration of their daily tasks (Fig. Historia Mexicana 39: 677– 686. This dance of contradictory experiences and tenets of living constructed contradictory colonial selves, and helped explain the gamut of (hybridized) understandings and sentiments that gripped Andeans’ imaginings.18 This paper has looked at a parcel of those contraries—at the play of Christian family values and the ethics of honor—in the making of Spain’s seventeenth-century Andean colony and its colonized subjects. Indigenous people were accustomed to making pictorial depictions of community landholdings and are known to have brought them before their kings, such as Moctezuma. Indigenous pictorial elements in this sort of writing persisted beyond the sixteenth century. So they say who know. 15, 73b) calls November Cantaraiquis; it was the time when the chicha for the initiation of young men was prepared. 5 Sahagún (bk. Hispanic American Historical Review 75 (4): 397–622. Spaniards were to be discouraged from the revelries, ribald masks, and parodies of church celebrations in which they customarily indulged. MATEOS, FRANCISCO 1944 Historia general de la compañía de Jesús en la provincia del Perú 2. ): 341–366.Variorum, London and Jerusalem. University of California Press, Berkeley. 70r of the Codex Mendoza, a man labeled el pintor paints the same design on a framed rectangle as la pintora does in the Codex Telleriano-Remensis. A. As in many of the societies that Gellner (1988: 16–17) groups under the title “agraria,” the Pre-Hispanic highland villagers of Huarochirí felt themselves in such strained relation to resources that struggle over water and irrigable land seemed to them inevitable (Espinoza Soriano 1981; Netherly 1984; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1988: 53–67; Torero 1974: 104–107).3 Accordingly they expressed an intense, self-conscious need to retain and control the productive structures created by earlier generations. 346 Pachacamac and El Señor de los Milagros Other important huacas similarly enjoyed various kinship ties such as the god Pariacaca of the Huarochirí region and deities of mountain peaks known as Apu and Wamani, who were of both sexes and related among themselves in various ways. 44 Michael Sallnow (1987: 51–99) describes the “reconsecration” of the Andean landscape around Cuzco in Christian terms. . Fernando Cervantes (1994: 64) comments on the strong impact of Christian historicity on the formation of corporate identities in colonial Mexico. The third part of the chapter sets forth the law Collquiri ordained for Llacsa Misa and his successors the water priests (yancas) of Concha: they were to watch and measure the lake, guard its vulnerable dam and canals, regulate irrigation, and in return have their crops worked for them. Estudios de Cultura Náhautl 19: 245–268. BOONE, ELIZABETH HILL 1983 The Codex Magliabechiano and the Lost Prototype of the Magliabechiano Group. It did so in a religious philosophy that protested Spanish dominion, even as it was framed in Iberian categories. These offerings were for Yansa Lake, but it was in fact the yanca who received them all. The early Testerians fit within the overall Franciscan approach to teaching Christianity to the Nahuas by using illustrations (Glass 1975). Miranda, Lima. While Jesuit efforts might have been self-serving, they were also conducted in earnest: they believed that the practice of idolatry not only threatened Christendom, but also the fundament of colonial order. 4 Pictorial image from the títulos of San Antonio Soyatzinco (Chalco region). See Audiencia; Aviso: San Millán, Barros de Charles V, 56, 103, 104, 156, 160, 203, 211, 214, 215, 363, 370 Charlot, Jean, 440 Chauca Huaman, Cristóbal, 277, 278–279 Chi, Gaspar Antonio, 425 Chiapas, 442 chicha (corn beer), 299, 305, 316, 320, 400 Chichicaspa, 228 Chichimecs, 182. See illegitimacy batab, Yucatan, 47 Batán, Pedro. 2 Fol. Lockhart (1992: 15–16) points out that “virtually all altepetl maintained the tradition of having been established in their sixteenth-century form by migrants (most often refugees from the breakup of legendary Tula or the huntinggathering people from the north known under the cover term Chichimeca).” In the pictorial histories they are often shown leaving Aztlan or emerging from Chicomoztoc (“Seven Caves”), sometimes both in the same manuscript.34 34 In the Codex Mexicanus and Codex Azcatitlan, the Mexica leave Aztlan first and then pass through Chicomoztoc. Historiographies are retrospective historical accounts that relate such things as the migrations of peoples from an origin place to their capital city, their battles and conquests, the dynasties that ruled them, and similar events both before and after the conquest (see Carrasco 1971). See Nicholson (1971: table 3); Siméon (1981: 497). It takes the perspective that “remembrances” of the Pre-Hispanic past continued to play a role long after the conquest. Historia Mexicana 39: 663–675. PARMENTER, ROSS 1993 The Lienzo of Tulancingo, Oaxaca: An Introductory Study of a Ninth Painted Sheet from the Coixtlahuaca Valley. 19r-v reads: “Al mes de Septiembre llamavan omacrayma [sic] llamavanle asi porque los yndios de oma quees dos lleguas del cuzco hacian la fiesta del guarachillo quees quando armavan cavalleros a los mancebos . Medieval exploration is connected with the missionary and mercantile tradition rather than the tradition of crusade, although there are undoubted links to the latter as well. 240. Writing about the same time, Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl likewise wrote his own histories to highlight the greatness of the preconquest rulers of Texcoco, his ancestors. COLE, JEFFREY A. But whereas the portraits in Nueva corónica and Historia del Perú are illustrations of an Andean metahistory, the portrait in the Cusicanqui document refers through the specific coat of arms to the contemporary history of a discrete set of individuals and their colonial legal claims based upon that metahistory.33 The ancient figure of the Inka dressed in traditional garments thus represents the foundation of a political claim, although as an image it is the antithesis of how a late-sixteenth-century kuraka actually should dress and comport himself. See huaca Pawllu Thupa Index heirs of, 57 “sons” of, 56 Pérez Bocanegra, Juan, 95, 396, 397, 400, 401. Even the quite numerous texts of the first decade of the nineteenth century can hardly be assigned to the equivalent of Stage 3. . 23 Betanzos and Molina, drawing on information from Cuzco, have January as Hatun Pocoiquis and Atunpucuy, respectively, which translates as “year of much water 21 This information was derived from a missal similar to the one here reproduced: Missale Romanum (1560). The committee members then rigged the boat to receive its sail. AGN T 2819, 9: 55r. . Saxon missionaries, too, had had a fairly lengthy presence in these territories, sometimes, as in the early twelfth century, supported by a native Christian prince. Moreover, it allowed the participation of African Americans, a theme that was only briefly mentioned in the symposium. 1574, when Molina completed his treatise, and 1615, when Guaman Poma put the finishing touches to his Corónica. This, as far as I know, is all the evidence there is of women participating in the recording of indigenous Mesoamerican literature up through the twilight of the Porfiriato, but the revolutionary twentieth century opens with a woman’s publication on Nahuatl. 21: 55). 12, cited in Arze and Medinaceli (1991: 15). Plantin, Antwerp. 1 Codex Féjérváry-Mayer, a hide screenfold tonalamatl, showing page 1. [their] hands armed with clubs and knives—to kill us.” But Sunicancha said it intended to follow legal remedies instead: “. See calendar, Inka months: January Audiencia, audiencia of Charcas, 57, 59, 60 papers, 59 of Mexico (New Spain), 156, 157, 168, 190, 247, 375 of Quito, 107 de los Reyes (Lima), 350 Augustinians. Coloquios y doctrina cristiana (Miguel León-Portilla, trans. See also Karttunen and Lockhart 1976: 112–116. Exploration by merchants certainly did not start or end with him, but his account has the advantage of having been written down, and of being the only one of its kind to have survived. Our task is to discover those mental strategies that allowed Nahuas and Quechuas to survive as well as they did. 13. Motolinía (1973: 95) 19 158 Quoted from Robertson (1959: 49) who follows Kubler and Gibson (1951: 77–78). CHIMALPAHIN CUAUHTLEHUANITZIN, DOMINGO FRANCISCO DE SAN ANTÓN MUÑÓN 1903 Anales Mexicanos: México-Azcapotzalco, 1426 –1589 (F. Galicia Chimalpopoca, trans.). The reason for the difference is not primarily the place of the Andean region in any sequence at any particular time, but the lack in the Andean highlands of the strong Mesoamerican tradition wherein a splendid stone temple was the primary symbol of the sociopolitical unit. 1992 The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico. This is, I think, what Alonso Carrio de la Vandera understood when he wrote in 1773 that “by means of song and story they preserve many idolatries and fantastic greatnesses of their ancestors, from which comes hatred for the Spaniards” (Concolorcorvo 1973: 369).23 23 “. Photograph © Justin Kerr. PASO Y TRONCOSO, FRANCISCO DEL 1912 Escritura pictorica, Códice Kingsborough, lo que nos enseña. Knowing this story helps understand how two Andean arguments adhered to data proffered for their relevance to obvious Spanish legal arguments. He was not alone in describing the month in question as Aiamarcai, for the same term also appears in the frequently copied account of the Inka months by the lawyer Polo de Ondegardo (1916: chap. Describing the June celebration of Inti Raymi, during which the kurakas and the Inka celebrated together in a series of toasts using aquillas and keros, he 142 Colonial Andean Images and Objects This is as true today as it was then. FERNANDEZ, MIGUEL ANGEL 1992 La Jerusalen indiana: los conventos-fortaleza mexicanos del siglo XVI. 252]: 441–450).10 Mestizos’ burden, their disgrace and infamy, harkened to honor’s very soul, born in the long history of the Spanish reconquista. Unlike calendars in other books of hours and missals, which for simplicity’s sake match each month with a single sign of the zodiac (see Fig. 1975 A Census of Middle American Testerian Manuscripts. All the way that the procession has to pass they have decorated It should be kept in mind that, for the native people themselves at this time, ethnic affiliation was principally a matter of altepetl, or city-state, membership. Allpanchis Phuturinqa 10: 65–92. 1977 Enqa, enqaychu, illa, y khuya rumi, aspectos mágicos-religiosos entre pastores. 52). V. Suarez, Madrid. They swore to the truth represented here, their statements were written in Nahuatl directly on the paintings; the court’s Nahuatl interpreter offered the Spanish translation, and that too was transcribed on the paintings; finally, the indigenous authorities and the court clerk all affirmed the proceeding and signed. Active resistance, a form of reaction by the native population, also in turn becomes a factor influencing the colonial experience, since it plays a dynamic role in the relationship between colonizers and native populations. Predictability and inevitability are rendered impossible by the fact that each situation is the result of the interplay of many factors on both sides; the permutations allow for similarities between historical experiences, but hardly for model building. Thus an elaborate “purity”—the spiritual impulse behind Spain’s Counter Reformation baroque—transformed and colored the strategies of Andean nativism. Much of western European expansion and settlement is premised on this profound intolerance, which was formalized and institutionalized in the Middle Ages, mostly in connection with the crusading movement.The idea of perpetual crusade as a way of unifying the world under western European domination is one of the largest legacies of medieval western Europe, all the more dangerous because it was promoted and espoused by the carriers of ideology—the church—and by a number of medieval kings.Yet it was the same society that produced divergent views, capable of different ramifications. Ediciones Atlas, Madrid. 1992 Pachacamac y El Señor de los Milagros una trayectoría milenaria. 25b Drawing of one of a pair of aquillas from the Atocha, before 1622. CONSTABLE, GILES 1953 The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries. 226 Stephanie Wood Guaman Poma’s coat of arms (in this volume, 100–102). There is a sequence of bands of various colors set against a black (or untinted) background; the bands are organized by inverse symmetry so that the sequence of bands on each side of the axis is the mirror 21 I am following the conventions established by scholars of Andean weaving in showing the primary axis of symmetry of women’s shawls as a vertical rather than horizontal axis, although this partly obscures the parallelism between the axes of symmetry in the phallcha song and in textiles. Spanish lessons on gender and sex, on legitimacy and race—with all their contradictions—were imposed on Andean worlds. Perhaps he took a record of community land tenure and altered it so that it would support his own individual interests.29 Surprisingly, such a clear line dividing corporate and individual interests rarely stands out in the indigenous record. The question then arises, whether one can isolate more precisely the constituent factors of each of these different colonial experiences. As to the indicator of church building, large ecclesiastical structures were hardly built in the Andean countryside in the sixteenth century; the affiliations of later structures are not yet clear to me. Caciques also formed factions with relatives or other social, political, or economic allies, and fought rival factions for power or wealth (Haskett 1991: 37–41, 83, 146). Tlalocan 5 (2): 119–124. Fig. In support of this version, 351 María Rostworowski there is a royal cédula of April 19, 1681, concerning the cult, and it mentions that the attempt to erase the image of Christ took place during the regime of Count Castellar.The cédula is also the first source in which the image of Christ at Pachacamilla is officially called “el Cristo de los Milagros” (Rostworowski 1992: 154). Institut Français d’Études Andines, Paris-Lima. POLO DE ONDEGARDO, JUAN 1916 Los errores y supersticiones de los Incas. Equally, perhaps, for Pre-Columbian scholars the end was also a beginning in that the objects, images, and writings produced after the conquest are one of the mother lodes of information for the interpretation of things Pre-Columbian. . Equally important, one finds that the keros, aquillas, and kumbi (tapestry) textiles listed in the wills are not only old but new.48 These objects continued to be produced and valued, and it is in this context that the continuity of costumbres in terms of the sites of Andean representation operated openly in colonial society. 1600 (? The genealogies were important in reestablishing lines of descent at a time of high mortality. Durán (1971: 396) told how laws and ordinances, the census, and native history and lore were “set down painstakingly and carefully by the most competent historians,” further lamenting that “these writings would have enlightened us considerably had not ignorant zeal destroyed them.” Acosta (1979: 284–285), open to the comparative merits of Aztec pictorial writing, considered it alongside alphabetic and hieroglyphic scripts as a form for recording history. CUMMINS, THOMAS B. F. 1991 We Are the Other: Peruvian Portraits of Colonial kurakakuna. One, perhaps, would like to read these images as the pictographic representation of Guaman (eagle) Poma (lion) emblazoned on an Andean colonial textile just as they appear to represent his name on the portada of the Nueva corónica. 1988 The Work of Bernardino de Sahagun: Pioneer Ethnographer of Sixteenth-Century Aztec Mexico.
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Lugares Baratos Para Pasar Año Nuevo,
Responsabilidad Civil Extracontractual Perú,
Observancia Obligatoria Tribunal Fiscal,
Dx De Enfermería De Hernia Umbilical,
Observancia Obligatoria Tribunal Fiscal,
Fisuras En Vigas De Hormigón Armado,
Mac Mall Plaza Comas Teléfono,
Empatía En Tiempos De Covid,
Déficit De Programadores,